NOTRE SALUT VIENDRA-T-IL DES ANCIENNES TERRES STALINIENNES ?
En recevant à la boite e-mail le Manifeste du parti ouvrier et paysan bulgare, je n’ai pas pensé en lisant leur écrit qu’il s’agissait d’une bande de ploucs décillés du stalinisme et visant à recruter en pays anciennement capitaliste. Ce groupe politique a été fondé en 1990 et son Manifeste date de 1996. En Bulgarie comme dans tous les autres pays de l’ancien glacis de l’Est les partis ont poussé comme des champignons ; il y en a pour tous les goûts écologiques, humanitaires, patriotiques, plus démocratiques les uns que les autres, plus socialistes que le concurrent, etc.
Dans la nomenclature sur le web, ce parti ouvrier et paysan est référencé comme gauchiste. A lire la fin de leur Manifeste on pense plutôt à une variante de PSOP à la Marceau Pivert ou de PSU rocardien (et l’antique SPGB britannique qui ne voit la révolution que sur la base des élections). En laissant de côté tout le mépris qu’on peut garder pour les anciennes queues de la bourgeoisie « socialiste » européenne et leurs ouailles gauchistes, je pense qu’il serait erroné de traiter de la même façon ces petits partis de l’Est, hors pouvoir, résolument revenus de la dictature stalinienne (et plus vaccinés que n’importe lequel de nos trotskiens planqués).
Vous verrez, à la lecture de ce Manifeste (que je vous joins plus bas) qu’il est de bonne facture pour l’essentiel, avec ce souci d’en revenir à la racine du marxisme révolutionnaire contre la religion d’Etat stalinienne.
Un aparté, avant de poursuivre. La Bulgarie est un étonnant petit pays qui a produit au début du siècle dernier une classe ouvrière à l’avant-garde de la grande vague révolutionnaire et une minorité politique de militants de premier plan aux côtés des bolcheviks. On retrouve à l’intérieur du parti social-démocrate de Bulgarie ce clivage radical qui va marquer la naissance de tous les partis communistes en Occident : les « larges » et les « étroits ». Les « larges » équivalent à nos réformistes de 1920, ouverts à tous vents, et les « étroits » défendent la priorité de l’action de la classe ouvrière. Les « étroits » se joindront à la gauche de Zimmerwald, tout comme ils apporteront leur solidarité (alimentaire) à Kautsky mais aussi à Rosa Luxemburg et Karl Liebknecht en prison ! La vraie solidarité de classe ce ne sont pas que des mots avec ces solides bulgares ! Le PC bulgare est fondé en 1921. Les noms de ces valeureux militants ont été oublié, oubliés les G.Kirkov, S.Abramov et Dimitar Blagoev. Qui sait que le grand révolutionnaire Christian Rakovsky, exécuté par Staline, bien que d’origine roumaine, était né en Bulgarie et fût la charnière ouvrière entre communistes bulgares et bolcheviks ? Le plus connu des bulgares reste Dimitrov, certes au début un vrai « étroit » (il est à la tête de l’insurrection de 1923) puis rendu célèbre par son internement dans l’affaire Van der Lubbe, il finira chef de l’Etat bulgare stalinien à la fin de la guerre. (pour une connaissance plus approfondie, lire Georges Haupt).
Ce parti ouvrier et paysan descend-t-il des « étroits » ? Non, hélas ! Il se rattache bien plutôt aux « larges » par sa conception de l’ouverture démocratique et une conception naïve du fonctionnement de parti basé sur « le centralisme démocratique » auquel plus personne ne croit comme personne ne sait encore comment pourrait fonctionner un vrai parti du prolétariat. La présentation de leur plateforme a un côté désuet qui rappelle trop les vieux machins de l’Est ou le modèle type du parti opportuniste trotskien d’avant-guerre en France : description du monde capitaliste (très bien), le pays bulgare (intéressant), partie II, le socialisme comme fiasco (pas mal), les partis du « centre-gauche » (un peu superficiel). L’identité du BWPP (Bulgarian worker-peasant parti) est celle de la « population travailleuse » : « Le BWPP n’est pas seulement le parti de la classe ouvrière, il est le parti de tout le travail salarié, de tous les ouvriers et employés salariés, de tous les gens qui ont un travail salarié – mineurs et physiciens, travailleurs du bâtiment et enseignants, paysans et scientifiques, tout ceux qui sont soumis au capital ! ». En Bulgarie comme ailleurs, la classe ouvrière est bien entendu la classe la plus répandue des ouvriers aux petits cadres, mais pourquoi avoir ajoutés les petits bourgeois paysans et « tous ceux qui sont soumis au capital » (donc les nouveaux patrons eux-mêmes) ? Par électoralisme, parce que malgré sa description du capitalisme destructeur, ce BWPP veut rallier les suffrages sans révolution. Il laisse croire ainsi que la lointaine révolution de 1917 et sa caricature dictatoriale en Bulgarie n’auraient pas échoué si elles avaient été « plus démocratiques » ! Le principe de fonctionnement de ce petit parti n’apparaît pas différent de n’importe quel autre parti « démocratique » à l’Ouest comme à l’Ouest, donc non fiable. Le parlementarisme reste révolutionnaire mais doit autoriser l’existence du multipartisme et discuter avec Pierre, Paul et Jacques. Le BWPP préconise la création de nouvelles chaînes pour les ouvriers, c'est-à-dire de nouveaux syndicats : ne faut-il pas que les prolétaires fassent l’expérience de leur trahison avant de les détruire ?
Et on en détermine par deux autres vieilleries : les rapports avec l’intelligentsia et la jeunesse, pourquoi pas avec l’Académie des Beaux Arts et les maisons de gériatrie ?
Conclusion, cet « appel au socialisme » sans révolution en termine avec les plus éculées complaintes chrétiennes et anti-marxistes : « vive le travail libre, l’égalité, la justice ».
Où l’on mesure encore tout le mal fait par le stalinisme à la théorie du prolétariat.
Il serait erroné d’ignorer ces types de partis bâtards, comme il serait erroné de ne pas porter la contradiction aux partis inconsistants comme le NPA de Besancenot ou la secte néo-stal de Laguiller. L’intérêt de débattre avec les partis gauchistes de l’Est, disons plutôt post-stalinistes, est plus intéressants et plus complexes : il nous faut leur démontrer en quoi la démocratie bourgeoise est de la foutaise et en quoi nous ne voulons pas (comme les trotskistes et les anarchostals de la CNT) rétablir le stalinisme comme en 1926 en Russie et en 1937 en Espagne !
Pour eux, le souci qu’exprime malgré tous ces petits partis pour un retour aux sources devrait être encouragé pour leurs membres vers une réflexion sur les origines : la lucidité des « étroits » et l’apport théorique des Gauches allemande et italienne…
Pour nous, tenir compte de cette volonté de discuter, non avec nos propres mystificateurs gauchistes européens (de plus en plus vides politiquement, et on ne peut que les insulter), mais entre éléments et groupes qui se réclament des mêmes traditions, mais en étant capable de se démarquer du stalinisme qui était déjà contenu dans le léninisme et cette conception anti-marxiste de la prise du pouvoir par le parti. Après l’inévitable révolution, scientifique ou pas.
BULGARIAN WORKER-PEASANT PARTY
I. THE MODERN TIMES
1. The World
The modern time is "a crisis of the spirit". This was the definition given by the most imminent ideologist of the modern "industrial society ", of contemporary capitalism Zbigniew Brzerzinsky. "The Prophet" Brzerzinsky had predicted the fall of the "communist" system. This was not a particular difficulty for an intelligent specialist in political science. The question was to see what would follow afterwards. And this was just this blindness about "afterwards" which brought to the "crisis of the spirit". There is nothing to be seen "afterwards", after "the communism". This was the opinion of the great strategists of the imperialism.
Nowadays, at the threshold of a new century and of a new millennium, when the so called "communist system" had collapsed, when there were new prospects to the free development for the capitalist economic system opened, it was suddenly proven that these prosecutors of the world did not have any ideological (to understand philosophical) adversaries. The sorrow that they miss (and they will still miss) an ideological adversary brings the need for revealing the defects of their own capitalist system. But nobody can suggest anything again. And as it is impossible (and dangerous also) to these strategists to be more deeply penetrated under the surface of the things, it is inevitable and normal to be brought to "a crisis of the spirit".
It is true that this leading spirit, spiritus rector, which directs any human activity and which is specific to the free human person, is no longer present. The free spirit in its free flight remained haunting in the glorious historical time. The contemporary consuming society insists more and more on the consumption and less on the spirit. What Marx was illegally accused in by the prosecutors of the capitalist system was the vulgar (and combatant) materialism, and actually, this was just the image of this system.
Now we live in a world changed by new industrial technologies, a world metamorphosed during the last 100 years, when communism as a doctrine had started to strongly invade the spirits and the hearts of thousands of people. This is why nowadays some imminent apologists of capitalism want we convince that the communism is dead, that the communism is inadaptable and archaic to our time, to the new time and that the capitalism, although transformed, is the eternal and the best system. Nothing of that, sirs! Live quiet and satisfied in your content ignorance! You were never and you will never be able to step on the Marx planet! You would never touch the least fold of the brain of Marx! Live without concern with the thought that "that is simply impossible", and that there cannot be another philosophy!
Which really changed for 100 years? The world! But not the capital!
Today, on the eve of the 21st century, we live in the epoch of information technologies and electronics, of atomic energy and cosmic flights. The sooty worker from the smoking factories is almost in the past. We can see the iron-muscled proletarian, drawn up against black walls only on the old billboards. Hard and exhausting work disappears more and more, to become more attractive and easier. But that is not the merit of the capital. That is due to technical progress, science, education, and the continuous fight of the workers for a better life. Work becomes less hard, but remains hired! Physical work yields the place to the intellectual work, but in both cases it remains a hired work. What this matters for the capital if its accumulation is done not by so much sweat, as formerly, but by much nerves, as nowadays? This is only what changed for 100 years: the form, the visible form of the exploitation of the work – less sweat, more nerves; intellectual work instead of physical work; intensive work instead of extensive work; a sophisticated work instead of simple work. But the nature of exploitation – the absorption of added work remains the same as it was 100 years ago. The worker’s manpower is merchandise that he is obliged to sell just as he did 100 years ago. The capital-work relation remains the same as 100 years ago. Work is paid and not free! The exploitation is no longer exploitation of the black horns, but of the white gloves. But it is the same by its contents both within the early industrial society and in the so-called “post-industrial" society. The exploitation may already be not only rough, but fine, not barbarian, but it still exists!
Nowadays, our weakness (and superiority) compared to the people of the 19th century after Goncourt’s, words is that they were living in the day before all the hopes, while we do in the day after their ruin!
Within the contemporary crisis, which is the deepest in the development of the Marxism, we are witnesses of the decline of one idea - the idea of Communism. A phantom wanders all over
Why from being the ideal of the poor people, the socialism became a guillotine for the grocers? Why from "a brilliant future" it became an obscure past?
Because the Marxist truth, i.e. the scientific truth of it, was transformed into a lucrative demagogy by canonizing it as a state religion. Therefore, any demagogy falls in ruins one day. Though, it was a religion.
Socialism has crumbled to nothing because it had never really existed! Its internally termites-eaten support was ready to dissociate upon most delicate exterior touch. For a very long time, socialism was leaded to the rear-court of science and this was why it had never existed in practice. Therefore, if the utopia had been called socialism that does not give us reason to call the socialism Utopia!
The contemporary epoch – since the Great Socialist October Revolution to our days – is a time of great political events, whose scale and power were unknown during all human history. This was a time of the greatest deepening of the general crisis of capitalism, having its expression in extreme conflicts of class, race, religion and nation. A time when the state monopolistic capitalism in the so-called "socialist" system entered into its extreme and probably last form of higher degree of monopolization of the property – the complete and absolute fusion of the state and the monopolistic capital, with concentration and centralization unknown to that time that led to the fusion of the industrial, banking and commercial capital in a very one centre directed by a powerful financial oligarchy, though it was unimportant in number. A time the world imperialism of the beginning of the century got transformed into extra-imperialism, i.e. imperialism raised to several degrees. Neither the wars decreased, nor the weapons did. Quite the contrary. Militarism shot up with a new mortal force; as if the millions of victims of the Second World War were not sufficient. Actually, that was the monopolistic state’s capital, which gave the economic base of the Fascism, which lit this monstrous war. Nowadays, this is always the monopolistic state’s capital, which creates and develops new strategies to carry on local wars instead of world wars; for rich North and West opposite to the poor South and East; for the triumph of the violence, hardened by the Corps of Peace! This contemporary neo-colonialism must ensure new markets and marionette regimes in the poor edges on Earth to carry out a quiet and obstacle-free export of capital. And nuclear garbage too.
After the disintegration of
"A new world order means re-evaluation of all values, i.e. seeding new ones. New values? Which are they? Money, prosperity, egocentrism – the model of American society! Where everybody had to run away by oneself and Communism is either ignored or impure word.
Why this error was suitable for both sides facing each other at the ideological front-line? Eh, well, for an easy control of the masses - from both sides of the line. For easily handling the social conscience from both sides of the barricade, that was the most suitable formula – communism! The ones were attacking communism, the others "were defending it". Thus, the masses were obeying each one with own sovereigns. Until the formula was worn and had to be changed. Simply since the 80’s the civilization was attacked by the carnivore objects of the century, society from both sides of the line started to be not interested in spirit… and in Communism! Or, like Pascal correctly noted, it is natural that the spirit believes and the will loves; that’s why if they have no real objects, they are inevitably oriented to imaginary objects. To speak of high ideals today? Quite to the contrary – of low passions only! "Ideals! Empty words!"
If contemporary epoch is worldwide characterized with the "crisis of spirit", in
The first manifestation of the crisis was in 1983. This means that its roots are posed much earlier – during the flowering of "real socialism", its original causes are much back in time – at the tribune of each "historical" congress of the party. This was precisely at this time that the shameless plundering of the national richness and the anarchy in economy started, and not since the more recent date of 10.11.1989.
In 1983, began the crisis in energy sector.
The “people’s power" of "socialism" was replaced by “power of people ", translated as "democracy". For seven years yet that from the room of the Parliament we hear the oily laughter of a self-confident insolence, we see the same coarseness, swimming in its arrogant and pardonless power, haughly sure of its impunity! The most sacral and clear idea of every deputy – the profit! Power is to be used for increasing own bank account – that’s the Idea! There is no other idea! The democracy in our parliamentary state is again veiled by the lugubrious shadow of our Ganio Balkanski. "What, freedom! Let us go good, freedom!" Still divided into the ours and the others - just like hundred years ago. Our deputies are again a repetition of the most unpleasant characters of Aleko Konstantinov, surrounded by beaters which are now called guards. Lord with a beating rod – that’s
Seven years already we are obliged and forced to look at the blue and "red" anaglyptic images in front of us even without the special anaglyptic glasses. This is a technique, a blue and red trick by which the illusion of a stereoscopic image is created by the combination of two flat images! For this reason, the one half of the society sees only the blue image and the other half sees the "red" image! And just combination of the two images on our black & white film which we have to see seven years already makes this current diffuse anaglyph.
Seven years yet, long seven years it was conscientiously, but not occasionally, that a policy of wasting was followed; intentional but not accidental chaos was created but not occasionally appeared as the scenario provided to make an artificial respiration of society at such a time of complete suffocation like it was at the current moment. The puppeteers of this chaos created by themselves knew at that time, seven years ago that the events were going like that, and themselves were directing them with this race of absence of power and of ruin. The directors of the today’s events knew at that time still that they would leave the political stage after the complete plundering and new savers the nation would appear, "new faces", with a new phraseology, "the men from the people”, pleading for order and legality, for a fight against criminality, i.e. to protect their private property that was caught by force before that. But there was a day, to the great surprise of men that were holding the power (!), that it became clear that billion dollars of the national richness were carried abroad and they who were holding the power had not the power to return it to
Today, at the epicentre of colossal social cataclysm in
Our history does not remember such an untameable rage wild accumulation, of plundering and redistribution of the capital, such a wild plundering of the national richness, and such a mocking outrage on its own people. The question here is not of the working class only, but really of the whole people. Our people do not remember so unbearable tax and inflation burden for a so long period of time, even if during the blackest years of war. Ruined without war! The physical survival of a whole nation plays its last card! A monstrous crime that has not a prescription and whose account will be held! The price of the bread is currently a crime! The rations of bread in the concentration camps were greater than those in a number of areas of
II. THE SOCIALISM
1. History, theory and practice
Before decapitating the king in
At the end of the 20th century, we live at a time again when a flood of verbal mud, dirty foam waves flood the name and the memory of this scientist and brilliant philosopher. Marx - one of the Seven Wise Men of all times, does not deserve such a destiny!
In 1830, on the barricades of
Marx and Engels appeared to describe the existing system. They gave scientific explanation of the existing economic system and traced the path to the future - the socialism. Marx and Engels were the first to be mentioned, like Lenin notes later, that the working class, with its claims was a necessary product of the contemporary economic system; that it was the driving force of the new future economic system – the socialism; that socialism and free labour were equivalent concepts and they were possible only if based on the collective ownership on the means of production.
The continuation did not be late. Lenin appeared with his Bolshevik party, with the determination to transform the socialism into reality. The Great October socialist revolution came in the name of a radical change in the status of the working class, for socialism, but it did not have the chance to fulfil its projects. On the contrary, its flags and its ideas were used for oppressing just the working class and for the fight between two imperialist systems. It placed the despotic beginning of a despotic political system, and this was not in the favour but to the detriment of the working class and the paid workers, known nowadays as totalitarianism. Totalitarianism – this was not socialism. The socialism has a human face! And no other else!
Actually, in 1968 in
Socialism – this was the lie of the century, the lie of the 20th century. A lie that has been repeated 100 times becomes a truth! This axiom of Goebels had its absolute confirmation about socialism. Moreover? 100 times by 100 per day, during 45 years, and for the URSS this was for 75 years, accepted as truth by thousands of people, which now cannot get out of this lie – the past was socialism for them. A lie that has not been repeated hundred times, but the billion times!
The current historical situation is not a restoration of capitalism. Because socialism had not ever existed. The danger of "false socialism" was still foreseen by the classics of this doctrine. And despite everything, this was in this false form that socialism came. Which is the proof by itself that this was not socialism. "Real socialism" was a virtual reality, whose insidious nature clearly appeared immediately after its inversion as a state religion, which was no longer suitable with the priests of this system. The socialism wasn’t socialism. It was an ordinary capitalism. Of the state. A monopolistic. A state-monopolistic. "The world socialist system" was actually a state monopolistic capitalism - more belonging to the state and more monopolistic of any other at any time. "The world socialist system" was a state monopolistic capitalism in its highest form with a full, absolute degree and for this reason final, socialization of the means of production, with an extreme degree of monopolization of the property by a sole owner – the state. Such a socialization of the means of production, with the old relations of production of the capital, created this absolute monopoly which cemented the entire economic and social life and enclosed this system into "iron curtains". The old relations of production meant again, in the same way, the transformation of money into capital and that the labour force is a merchandise again, which it has been be in capitalism till this moment. This was an unknown precedent in the history of capitalism, copied by
Socialism had its fiasco as doctrines for two principal reasons.
First, because of deep illusion, that the economic laws of socialism were revealed, while, in fact, all the economic processes were subordinated to the capitalist laws. Marx’s Political Economy was replaced by the restricted middle-class political economy, denied by Marx himself long time ago, with his prejudiced "payment of work". After Marx categorically and clearly explained that this did not the work, but the labour which was the merchandise to be sold by workmen, and it should not to go any more to the level of this - before Marx - political economy, but it should be explained when and how in the commercial world the labour cease being a merchandise.
With that, the tinned thought raised the indestructible dogma that the property of the state is public. The property of the state is not public! Since the state exists in the society, the state property has not ever be public! How the state property does become public – this is the question! This is what has to be cleared up.
Second, because of conscious ignorance of the principles of Marxism concerning the state. This especially brutal attack was carried out against the essential principles of socialism - these 5 guiding principles, which are compulsory as measures for the destruction of the old state and for the construction of new, socialist state. It was exclusively easy, at the basis of the capitalist base of the public production, to violate, to pervert the principles of the scientific socialism, i.e. those principles of the orthodox Marxism, which build up the socialism as a political system, all the postulates of Marxism about state, which, since Lenin’s death till our days were brutally crushed and forgotten. There are 5 essential principles, directed against careerism, lawlessness, wasting and corruption in state, against feudal inviolability of the privileges and arbitrariness of the autocracy – against all that, which had been so deeply penetrated like leprosy in our sad reality. These 5 principles provide the socialist contents of state as a state of class but not as "popular State", which it was proclaimed in all the countries of "world socialism". “The popular state", subject to a destroying critic by Marx, Engels and Lenin, is an ideal, utopian and impossible state within society of class, in which we live – no matter we want this or, a nonsense in the scientific explanation of the nature of the state, but exclusively suitable explanation for any ruling plutocracy for the purpose of easy manipulation of society, having its expression in "the solidarity of the people", “the unity of the nation", etc., for forming the peace and the collaboration of the classes.
Nowadays, the worldwide economic opinion is that the socialism – this is the state’s intervention into the economy. It results from that “more socialism” means more state’s intervention. Nothing like this! The socialism is a market economy but without a private property! The socialism is a market economy without state’s regulation. The socialism is more market economy than any other economy does. The socialism is the free market of Adam Smith and Mark, cleared up from any state’s intervention and regulation. Something that is absent in the more developed and “free” market of today’s capitalism. One of the purposes of the socialism is freeing up economy just from any tutelage and regulation from the part of the state, not only restriction, but full elimination of the etatism in economy. The socialism is not a private property, but it is not a state property too. The socialism is something completely different – an antipode both of the private and of the state property. The socialism is a private property and only on the means of production but not on anything other – women, houses or the chewing gum, for example!
The purpose of the socialism, the very true purpose, as the great British man had truly perceived it, is to re-construct the society in a way of doing poverty impossible! In fact, in difference with Christianity, which is a doctrine to help poverty only, Marx’s socialism is a doctrine of liquidating poverty. Something more, Marxism is the only scientific ideology that defends poor men. Another question is that it was promoted to the rank of being a state religion for defending the rich men, the same way that Christianity did!
Laying up richness is a weight, a duty that one has to be continuously a slave of. That’s why, still after the words of the hero of the
Many years ago, Lenin wrote that Marx and Engels were the first to explain in their works that the socialism was not a fiction of dreamers but an extreme aim and a necessary result from the development of the production forces in contemporary society. The socialism is not a fiction. The socialism is not Utopia. The socialism is a science, although a precise science. A science, whose main task is to explain what is public property on the means of production.
Does really the public property be Utopia, as some people say, does it be an absurd in the environment of the commodity production, as other say?
It turns that, being supported by Marx, that the public property on the means of production is a realisable reality even in the conditions of commodity production, no matter how wonderful this looks to anybody. Such a mechanism of public reproduction is possible, which excludes the exploitation of the labour, a mechanism that turns off the capitalist laws in a way that the labour force ceases being a commodity and the process of value increasing – capitalism. This mechanism connects the separate economic laws, through which the socialism could be established as a real economic system, in a way that the process of increasing the value stops to create the public relation of capital. We consider this process as a “thermodynamic” process. On the basis of this, the overall reproduction process of public production represents a “polytropic” process, whose “single” processes form a cycle of Carnot. In this way, these relatively simple economic laws provide the specific content of the social equality and the social justice, as well as some unexpected consequences they lead to – for example the disappearance of all and any taxes on the working wage as well as clearing up the society from such a malignant tumours, from such an innate vices of capitalism like unemployment and inflation. It turns out that regarding the valuable laws, the socialism is a special and border case of the capitalism. Along with this, the socialism is the lowest phase of communism. Which, in given conditions, allows the transition from commodity production relations to commodity-free, i.e. communist, production relations.
2. The left-centred parties in
If there is prize for a right-centre party, which was most successful in representing itself for being left-centred, this prize should be without prejudice awarded to Bulgarian Socialist Party. Although, yet 7 years were not enough to its enormous party mass to awake. Only the presidential elections shook the foundations of this “socialist” party. This was inevitable – a question of time only. Bulgarian Socialist Party, established 7 years ago by the strategic centre of mass treatment of ex-Bulgarian Communist Party was the most successful hybrid between young wise guys and old naïve persons. For the purposes of the unity, the solidarity of the party, the wise guys had to be few and the naïve persons – a plenty. The contrary case is not possible. Bulgarian Socialist Party was created for this very purpose – to use, in this profitable moment, the inertia of the white-hair part of the population that was blindly obliged to its leaders, for a mass and certain support of crimes done. In BSP, cynicism and masochism were melted in one alloy – ones plunder the others in a friendly way, and latter ones enjoy and give approval the first ones. Strengthening of the big private capital needed to face a mass enthusiasm and love from the people! How? That’s how – with a “socialist” party!
BSP fabricated a program out of an eclectic mixture, full of rejects and waste. No one says what its main ideology was, that’s why there is anything to any taste.
Being ashamed and for facing the world, BSP outlines that it is not a communist party. Although, a little before, BSP “states highly and clearly” that “it is a party of labour and of working people, of workmen and agriculture people”. It still “states highly and clearly that it is a party of the poor and impoverishing people in
So – this means that BSP is simultaneously communist (or poor men’s), middle-class and social-democratic party! Three incompatible ideologies under one wind?! What a party is BSP in fact?
It is the only it does not state – a party of the big capital. In fact, BSP is a party of the right, big financial capital without an established ideology but with socialist demagogy. BSP outlines that it is a national, socialist party! Which it suggests some thought yet!
Which is the left of the “left” BSP?
Which is the socialist of this socialist party?
Where is the Success suggested by the S in its name?
From a sure source we know that there are different schools that “try to settle the poverty problem, maintaining the poor men alive; or with any very advanced school, by amusing them”. BSP, as a “party of poor men” is although obviously a very later, a cave school – it does not try to maintain the poor men alive! BSP tries to resolve the poverty problem by depriving the poor men of their lives!
It is placed in the left half of the spectre. Nothing new in the social democracy. Nothing but slogans, empty and inflated, nothing but phrases – nothing! The same way as before, as much time ago. Its main idea of the so-called “democratic socialism” is an unsuccessful attempt to reconcile the irreconcilable – capitalism with socialism! The “democratic socialism” is one of the incarnations of the unrealisable theory of convergence. It means an attempt for assigning human features to capitalism, which are immanently absent to him, an attempt for softening its brutal forms, mostly theoretically. The social democracy has been always suitable fire irons in the hands of the big capital for extinguishing the live coals, for governing the society in parts, for putting apart the left forces. The other social democratic parties are only projections in another dimension of the multiple BCP’s, and all of them – broken pieces of the BCP that exploded in 1989!
From this beehive – the ex-BCP, an unknown number of new BCP’s are swarming for years yet, whose main and most characteristic feature is leadership. We may only sympathize to all of those honest people who enter these parties for the only name of Communist, but without understanding that they are decoyed by politically illiterate persons to get behind them and to follow them, that they are guided in an unknown direction by blind persons and clowns who want to build the communism with … private property! In a way similar to that one that BSP uses, the enormous part of sincere communists is easily subordinated with communist phrases; all the faithful communists, truly self-giving and devoted to the idea fall an easy prey not to the cunning person, as in BSP but to any self-proclaimed paranoid waiting doctor’s certification. Every unsuccessful megalomaniac with different form of madness and with pathological megalomania creates a fellowship and gives it the name of communist party, in which the central role is played by him – the Leader! The patrons of these brotherhoods, i.e. parties, everybody of which is of great importance, have so much entered into their role, they are so much blinded with their own light that their sole sacred aim is the restoration if the old time and their messianic role in it. This is the reason of the existence of so many parties with abating functions – to provoke the laugh from the right side and the cry from the left side! The shepherds of these flocks, because of their narrow field of vision and senile impotence cannot see the visible – that the old system, the socialism in this form will never, really never be back! Nevermore!
III. BULGARIAN WORKER-PEASANT PARTY – A PARTY OF LABOUR
The working class in
There is such party!
Bulgarian Worker-Peasant Party (BWPP) – this is the only party in
BWPP is not only a class party of the working class, it is a party of the entire wage labour, of all wage workers and employees, of all people doing a wage job – miners and physicians, construction workers and teachers, farmers and scientists, all that are subordinated to the capital!
BWPP recognises the scientific fact and the historical necessity that, freeing up the wage labour of the worker, the labour of the remaining social groups and circles is freed too, i.e. the entire society is free yet. That’s why BWPP is a party of labour. In the capitalist society, in opposition, BWPP is a party of the wage labour, i.e. it stands behind everybody who is transformed into a commodity by the capital. In socialist society, if ruling, BWPP is a party of the free labour, i.e. it stands against everybody who transforms the commodity into capital.
BWPP considers itself an inheritor of the oldest and the most matured modern Marxist party in Eastern Europe and one of the oldest parties in
2. Political organization
2.1. Organization Principle
BWPP has accepted the democratic centralism as a main guiding principle. This principle was blamed to be the source of all the evils in the society of ex-“socialism” and most left-centred parties hurried up to throw it away. And throw up Lenin too.
That’s true that there was centralism in ex-BCP (Bulgarian Communist Party). Sure, but it wasn’t democratic! There was nothing democratic in that antidemocratic system, the less in its centralism. In BCP then, bureaucratic centralism was present that Lenin was most afraid of and against which he was most fighting. A given principle of a party cannot be blamed for the evils in a country. Could the National Socialist German Workers’ Party of Hitler be based on democratic centralism? And if, after its pattern, BCP had transformed its members into a faceless party mass, this is not Lenin, nor the democratic centralism can be guilty. Because in this case, when any democracy in this centralism is absent, it does not simply be democratic centralism!
The question now is – is it possible that a party may exists without centralism?
Yes, if it confesses the anarchism!
It is clear from the theory of systems that there is not such a system in which the isolated case is not subordinated to the general. This applies to both animate and inanimate nature. This principle – the centralism – is the essential principle in the world order, in the organisation of the substance. Everything other is chaos!
Usually, another principle is juxtaposed to this one – the consensus, the universal consent. Although no party, parliament or presidential elections or decisions is accepted according to this principle in the world. With the consensus, the minority imposes its vote to the majority. With the centralism – vice versa. There is not a middle position. Which is more democratic?
That’s why the centralism is in the basis of any organisation, the centralism is necessary to any political party. But if this centralism is democratic – this is the best that human thought had ever created as an organisational principle. That’s why BWPP is strongly guided by this basic principle – the democratic centralism.
BWPP recognises the multi-party political system and will strictly observe it, both in opposition and in ruling. The parliamentarism, as an invention of the middle-class political doctrine, is necessary to the working class just for standing up for and for preserving its principles compared to any other parties, for proving its identity and moral. In the capitalist society, BWPP should use the parliamentarism as a weapon in its fight, as a mean of propagating socialist ideas and to defend, as much as it could, the oppressed working masses. The socialism, as a power of the working class and of the free labour, does not deny the multi-party political voting system. On the contrary, the socialist democracy supposes just such type of political relations in order to avoid degeneration into authoritarian government.
2.3. Relations with other parties
BWPP considers as its duty to carry on in a friendly spirit a political dialogue with all left-centred parties, as far as the interaction and the common interests do not allow yielding from the principles of Marxism and do not contradict to the Statutes and the Program of the party. This means an opportunity of a united front of left forces upon preserving BWPP’s identity in it. For this purpose, political meetings, conferences and other forums may be held with the active participation of BWPP in them.
BWPP could not maintain any relations with extremely right parties and with those that have fascist, racist, terrorist or other antihuman conceptions and ideas. BWPP stands against terrorism in its any form.
BWPP could not maintain any relations with ethnically based parties that work against national interests of
BWPP will maintain relations with ecologic, patriotic, humanitarian, juridical, health and any other civil movements and organisations.
2.4. Relations with the syndicates
In these hard, stormy days, when the workers in
Despite all, BWPP should always support the just requests of the man of labour, organised and leaded by these two syndicates but not their two-face leaders.
BWPP considers that the establishment of new, “red syndicates” is ultimately necessary, who could really stand up for and organise working people in
2.5. Relations with the intelligentsia
Not every member of BWPP may be admirer of art, fine words, music or scientific formula, but he or she could not miss the necessary esteem and respect for them. Intelligentsia and working class should not be juxtaposed but complete each other. Because, in the common case, they are two wheel of the same appliance, two poles of a battery.
The task of the socialism is preserving and developing culture. For BWPP preservation of Bulgarian culture is of primordial importance. Cultural and historical values of any historical time could not, should not be destroyed, i.e. not only monuments of the culture of approved value but monuments of the more recent times, whose value is disputable. Beside this, we consider that today’s Bulgarian politicians and cultural actors have debts to pay to national culture for its successful popularisation as one of the tops of worldwide culture community. Bulgarian literature, music and painting art have their worthy place among the highest world cultural models.
On BWPP’s opinion, the culture cannot be divided into elite and mass. The culture is a path in which the vocation guides everybody to express freely his or her Individualism. The party is decisively against any pseudo-culture, which plants violence and low instincts – which is especially spreading in our days – which humiliates and destroys human personality. Today’s choice is between classic and decadence. Choice of culture means now a culture of choice.
In the modern world, one of the priorities of the civilisation is the development of science, in which colossal means and potential are invested. That’s why, the role of the scientists become more and more significant in the future order of the world. BWPP, assuming power, will strive for bringing Bulgarian science to the front position worldwide, as a bet of the stormy development of society, establishing the socialism in this way. That’s why, the scientific and the technical intelligentsia is for BWPP at the level of the artistic intelligentsia. Encouraging the science and the technical achievements for the good of the entire society is BWPP’s constant, irrevocable and exceptionally important task.
BWPP stands for preserving and raisings up the high level of Bulgarian educational system that had proved its world class, because now, this system is at the threshold of its full destruction. The Renaissance respect to the teacher, the native flash to the enlightener should be fired again. Bulgarian teachers do not deserve the downfall that they are reduced to. Today’s collapse of education will bring hard consequences to the entire nation. That’s why, BWPP will fight for a free secondary and higher education with the highest criteria that it had ever had until now.
The party stands up strongly for free health cares with a new policy of social insurance, eliminating the humiliating and equalised payment of the doctors. Free health cares are an achievement of the socialism but it does not in any case mean free doctors’ labour! The same way like the contrary – saving a human life should not be subject to business!
2.6. Relations with youth
With this Manifesto, BWPP expresses clearly its positions, principles and orientation and declares unambiguously its Marxist origin and ideology. BWPP appeals for the ultimate union of all left forces. But not at any price but on the fundamentals of the orthodox Marxism! We appeal for Marx’s socialism! Because there is not another socialism! We appeal for
free labour, equality, justice!
Varna, 7 November 1996 (existe en langues bulgare et russe)
(pour contact, demander à PU qui donnera adresse e-mail, comme je l’avais fait pour les premiers groupes « remarxisés » en Russie à la même époque)